Historical Racism

Systemic racism in education can be traced back to the 1800s when segregation maintained separate educational experiences based on skin color. This separation extended beyond the classroom, to communities religious institutions, places of employment, and throughout society. Separation was enforced through policies, procedures, and laws (e.g., Plessy v. Ferguson, 1986) that maintained a “separate but equal” doctrine of racial segregation. This landmark case (Plessy v. Ferguson, 1986) permitted states to segregate based on race, including, but not limited to, restaurants, water fountains, transportation, and schools. Although the separate but equal doctrine (e.g., Plessy v. Ferguson, 1986) focused on transportation, it ultimately ended up creating an educational system of segregated schools where Black students were forced into education systems that lacked sufficient facilities and resources. Despite the legal intentions of equality, these facilities desperately failed (Figure 1.1). According to Love (2019, p. 28), separate but equal was a “tactic to maintain White superiority.”

Brown v. Board of Education

In 1954, Brown v. Board of Education overturned the separate but equal doctrine. The Supreme Court ruled that this precept was unconstitutional and the Court legally required schools’ integration. There were many benefits to this legislation; perhaps the most notable is the potential for Black students to gain access to resources and improved education (American Psychological Association [APA], 2012; McNeill & Rowley, 2019). The results of this case were thought to improve educational opportunities for Black students; however, many note the consequences of integration.

Although Brown v. Board of Education was intended to better educational outcomes for Black students, many would argue that the results were not as positive as initially thought. Love shares that “Black schools were proud institutions that provided Black communities with cohesion and leadership” (2019, p. 28). After the Brown v. Board of Education ruling, there was ambiguity in interpreting the legislation and enacting it, thus allowing school districts to delay integration (McNeill & Rowley, 2019). Many systems refused to integrate or made it extremely difficult for Black students to enroll and attend. The most familiar stories are those of The Little Rock Nine and Ruby Bridges. In Little Rock, Arkansas in 1957, nine Black students were denied entrance to Central High School. Their admittance into the building required the assistance of over 1,000 army troops. Despite the federal aid, they were still met with routine verbal and physical abuse. In 1960, 5 years after Brown v. Board, New Orleans, Louisiana, began its desegregation plan, which was met with significant opposition and attempts to thwart efforts. For example, the state required an entrance exam for admission to the state’s historically White institutions. Due to the lack of preparation provided to Black students, only six Black children passed, one being Ruby Bridges. At 6 years old, Bridges was the first Black student to integrate into a White elementary school. Due to the violent protesters, she was escorted to school by U.S. Marshalls and was met with racial slurs, derogatory chants, and more (Michals, 2015). White parents unenrolled their students and White teachers refused to teach in protest of the integration law. As a result, for the entire school year, Ruby sat in a classroom by herself with one teacher from Massachusetts who agreed to be her instructor.

Figure 1.1.

Separate but not equal.

Source: 1904 caricature of White”and Jim Crow rail cars by John T. McCutcheon. (Image: John T. McCutcheon/Public domain.)

Another consequence of desegregation was the treatment of Black students in integrated schools. As schools merged, Black teachers were not accepted into the White schools, resulting in Black students being taught by mostly White faculty. In turn, there was a decline in the number of qualified Black educators. Some Black community members believe that there would not have been a push to integrate if there had been equality within the segregated systems. However, in an attempt to push back on integration, segregation and inequities continued in what is known as “White flight,” which resulted in unequal learning institutions that continue today (Love, 2019; McNeill & Rowley, 2019). Despite the movement toward the progress of fully integrated schools and better educational opportunities for Black students, responses such as White flight confirm that racism still exists and permeates educational institutions. Whether overt or covert, authors term it as new racism (Kohli et al., 2017).

Racism Today

Racism and bias can harm and impede students from reaching their full potential (Gershenson & Papageorge, 2018; Leath et al., 2019; Trent et al., 2019). New racism is defined as the replacement of “overt and blatant discriminatory policies and practices of the past with covert and more subtle beliefs and behaviors, reflecting the persistent and pervasive nature of racism” (Kohli et al., 2017, pp. 184–185). The American Academy of Pediatrics ([AAP], 2019) has reported that racism has been associated with birth disparities (mortality rate and birth weight) and mental health issues in youth. Exposure to stress hormones as a result of chronic stress due to racism results in inflammatory reactions leading to chronic disease (Trent et al., 2019). Additionally, the impact of racism and bias in PK–12 education is associated with (a) gaps in achievement, opportunity, and attainment; (b) disproportionate rates of discipline and suspension for students of color; (c) lower attendance rates; (d) self-destructive behavior such as acting out, withdrawal, and nonparticipation in class activities; (e) gatekeeping of underrepresented students for access to and placement in rigorous curricula such as Advanced Placement and International Baccalaureate; and (f) lower participation of underrepresented groups in higher education (ASCA, 2020). The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) report, Condition of Education 2020, confirms that systemic racism is seen through various school policies, procedures, and initiatives that have negatively impacted Black students. Biased educators, whitewashed curriculum, and programmatic representation failures (e.g., overrepresentation in special education services and underrepresentation in gifted programs) point to the struggle of Black students in public education (Hussar et al., 2020). Additionally, Cai (2020) offered the following highlights from a report by the National School Boards Association:

Underrepresentation

As of the 2017–2018 data, reported by the Office for Civil Rights (OCR), there remain stark differences in advanced academic programs between BIPOC and White students (U.S. Department of Education [U.S. DOE], n.d.). Table 1.1 compares data related to advanced placement, gifted identification, International Baccalaureate programs, and advanced math placements (Table 1.1).

Standardized Testing

Standardized testing has long been viewed as biased against BIPOC students and further perpetuates an academic, college, and career readiness divide, resulting in social and economic consequences. According to the National Education Association “standardized tests have been instruments of racism and a biased system” (Rosales & Walker, 2021, para. 4) by compromising equity efforts and educational quality (National Center for Fair and Open Testing, n.d.).

One well-known test, the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), has been the center of significant controversy regarding not only accessibility to testing but also inaccurate assessment of BIPOC students’ college readiness. The College Board in 2019 reported that of the high school graduates who took the current SAT during high school, 12% of that population was Black, as opposed to 43% White, with 20% of the Black students and 57% of White students meeting both English and math benchmarks. According to several studies, evidence supports the lack of validity of using these scores for college admission decisions for Black students (Freedle, 2003; Santelices & Wilson, 2010).

Lack of Access

There remain heavily racial/ethnic minority–populated schools in the educational system for which the evidence supports the challenges such as lack of “highly qualified” diverse educators, lack of representation of BIPOC educators, lack of resources, and lack of culturally responsive curriculum. The teacher shortage is a genuine concern in PK–12, primarily for high-poverty schools that typically have a higher concentration of BIPOC students. According to The Condition of Education 2020 (Hussar et al., 2020), in 2017–2018, only 7% of public-school teachers and 11% of public-school principals were Black. Yet, more than 15% of Black students attended public schools. In 2019, the Economic Policy Institute reported the difference in teacher qualifications in low-poverty versus high-poverty schools and found that teachers in high-poverty schools had fewer certifications, less experience, and less comprehensive education as compared to low-poverty schools (García & Weiss, 2019). Unfortunately, 45% of Black students attended high-poverty schools, compared with 8% of White students (Hussar et al., 2020). Although these statistics, along with the increasing teacher shortage, are cause for concern, the definition of highly qualified is not as alarming as it may seem. Cultural competency has become an integral part of the educational curriculum taught to preservice teachers and counselors. Therefore, you may find that students graduating may have more exposure to and knowledge about working with diverse student bodies. If so, the concern isn’t necessarily the lack of “highly qualified,” but rather the lack of diverse teachers overall. The barrier for new educators is the experience within their first few years of teaching and the burnout that results. These teachers often find themselves in underfunded and underperforming schools with the pressure of high expectations in terms of student outcomes. Often teachers of color may have entered the teaching profession through alternate routes and, according to the U.S. Department of Education, find themselves working in poorer districts with higher numbers of students of color (U.S. Department of Education [U.S. DOE], 2016).

In addition to the lack of diverse teachers, you also find a shortage of diverse school counselors. According to data from 2019, of the degrees awarded in School Counseling and Guidance Services, 57.5% were awarded to White graduates as compared to 16.7% to Hispanic graduates and 12.6% to Black graduates. The counseling profession overall continues to be dominated by a White female presence with stark differences in racial-ethnic employment rates (DATA USA, n.d.).

An additional concern is not only the lack of counselors but also the limited access to school counselors (American Civil Liberties Union [ACLU], n.d.; National Office for School Counselor Advocacy, 2012; The Education Trust [Ed Trust], 2019). Although there is a critical shortage of mental health professionals in schools, data indicate that the deficiency increases for heavily minority-populated and low-poverty schools. Data collected by organizations, such as the ASCA, Reachhigher, and The Education Trust confirm the high ratios between school counselors and students. Across the nation, there are at least 38 states where BIPOC students have less access to school counselors and counseling services (Ed Trust, 2019). Comprehensive school counseling programs have benefited students by improving attendance, decreasing disciplinary incidents, and increasing graduation rates. However, lowering ratios is currently an advocacy initiative for ASCA and many state school counseling associations.

Lastly, and maybe most importantly, racist views and beliefs from educators expected to serve all children contribute to the disparity in achievement (APA, 2012). There are numerous accounts of racist acts against BIPOC children. These instances highlight the negative consequences that impact the ability of BIPOC students to be successful in the classroom. When students are already faced with other existing barriers, teacher perception, engagement, and strategies compound those effects. This results in students becoming disengaged, developing a dislike for schools, demonstrating a lack of academic progress, and exhibiting behavioral issues (Leath et al., 2019).

Overrepresentation

Impacted by self-segregated or forced segregated school communities, failed Brown vs. Board of Education integration initiatives, and systemic racism, BIPOC students are underrepresented academically in advanced level courses and gifted identification and overrepresented in areas such as special education (Farkas, 2020; Gentry et al., 2019; Grindal et al., 2019; Morgan, 2020; National Association for Gifted Children, n.d.). This is an excerpt from the Committee on Minority Representation in Special Education et al. (2002),

As a result, you find that BIPOC students, specifically, are stereotypically labeled with disabilities, which may impact future academic and career opportunities. Research suggests that in school systems where there are predominately White teachers and students, the majority of Black students are in special education (Ladner & Hammons, 2001). According to the 42nd Annual Report to Congress, which was published in 2021, approximately 12.4% of the Black population was serviced under the Individuals with Disabilities Act (IDEA) versus 8% of the White population (U.S. DOE, 2021b).

Overrepresentation is also evident as related to disciplinary actions and school suspensions. Many studies highlight the disproportionate use of harsher disciplinary procedures for BIPOC students. For example, OCR reported that “in 2017–18, Black students received one or more in-school suspensions (31.4%) and one or more out-of-school suspensions (38.2%) at rates that were more than twice their share of total student enrollment (15.1%)” (U.S. DOEDOE, 2021a, p. 16). Suspensions impact attendance and class time, depriving students of valuable learning opportunities. According to OCR data, Black students lost 103 days per 100 students enrolled, 82 more days than the 21 days their White peers lost due to out-of-school suspensions, perpetuating the negative cycle resulting from systemic racism (Losen & Martinez, 2020). Therefore, educators should consider and address the trauma that results from historical and current racist school environments.

School-to-Prison Pipeline

The school-to-prison pipeline is the process by which students are pushed out of educational systems into the correctional system (ACLU, n.d.; Elias, 2013; Heitzeg, 2009). This process results from disciplinary policies and procedures used in school systems that connect students to law enforcement officials at an early age. Zero-tolerance policies and the use of police officers in schools have exacerbated this issue for BIPOC students (Dutil, 2020). These policies are harsh punishments used for any infraction, regardless of severity. With a police presence in schools, offenses that were historically dealt with inside the school are now referred to law enforcement, which begins the criminalization of youth. It is estimated that as of 2015–2016, over 1.7 million students were found to be in schools with law enforcement presence but without school counselors (Whitaker et al., 2019). Federal data confirms the negative impact that these procedures have on Black students. According to data collected by the U.S. DOE 2015–2016 Civil Rights Data Collection (CRDC), “Black students had an arrest rate of 28 per 10,000, which was three times that of White students” (Whitaker et al., 2019, p. 24). These arrests support the increased incarceration rate of BIPOC youth. School divisions have chosen more punitive measures rather than supportive measures that could be implemented through school counseling professionals (Welfare et al., 2021).

Multicultural and Social Justice School Counseling

School counselors’ privilege, authority, power, and identity can influence the counseling relationships with the students that they serve. A White school counselor may create a systemic hierarchy in counseling with BIPOC students, and the counselor’s authority and power are increased because they are adults. To increase school counselors’ multicultural sensitivity in working with students and their caregivers, this section uses the Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (MSJCC) Model (Ratts et al., 2015) (see electronic resources) to offer school counselors a framework to use to implement multicultural and social justice competencies into their comprehensive school counseling program, practices, and interventions. According to the authors, the model illustrates the complex connection between the constructs and competencies of the framework (Ratts et al., 2015). The model depicts four quadrants that are used to identify the intersections of identities in the counseling relationship while also examining issues of power, privilege, and oppression and how they impact the counseling relationship. In the center of the model are four developmental domains that guide a school counselor to multicultural and social justice competence. They are (1) counselor self-awareness, (2) client worldview, (3) counseling relationship, and (4) counseling and advocacy interventions. Lastly, surrounding the model are aspirational competencies that guide the process. It is believed that one’s attitudes and beliefs will increase their knowledge and thus improve their skills, and lastly call them to action. The following sections will provide an overview of each domain of the MSJCC model and practical ways school counselors can engage in their development to be more multiculturally competent and socially just.

Counselor Self-Awareness

In the first domain, MSJCC calls for school counselors to develop self-awareness so that they are able to understand their attitudes and beliefs, develop knowledge and skills, and act based on their beliefs and worldview. This level of self-awareness often results in discomfort and even defensiveness for some school counselors who are resistant to or unfamiliar with advocacy work. Awareness involves understanding one’s own view as well as the worldview of the student, which may differ from one’s own. From a multicultural view, school counselors’ awareness of the cultural differences between the student and counselor is often highlighted more than their cultural similarities (Bryan et al., 2004). Although having similar cultural identities can help school counselors understand subtle and unique cultural perspectives, similarities can also camouflage counselors’ biases, stereotypes, and assumptions (Hird et al., 2004). School counselors’ unconscious biases and stereotypes may discount the obstacles the student is facing. For example, a school counselor might assume that a Black male student who is failing a class did something to cause his low academic performance versus a personal, familial, community, or systemic barrier that may be impeding the student’s academic performance.

To proactively fight against implicit biases and stereotypes, school counselors must actively and continually engage the outlined the ASCA Mindsets for school counselors. They are as follows:

Student Worldviews

The ASCA Mindsets and Behaviors standards “promote academic achievement, college and career readiness and social/emotional learning, which have the long-term effect of preventing and overcoming racism and bias” (ASCA, 2020, p. 3). To encourage a socially just mindset in students so that they are able to address and deal with racism and bias, school counselors can use the ASCA Mindsets and Behaviors to prepare students to (a) be able to combat racism and bias they may witness and (b) overcome racism, bias, and oppression they may experience. To do so, school counselors need to

School Counseling Relationship

While the self-awareness of school counselors is imperative for understanding and identifying “one’s cultural values, beliefs, and biases” (Ratts et al., 2016), the insight can also help the school counselor to understand their student’s worldview and what barriers may be preventing them from academic, social-emotional, and career success. This understanding of their students will also aid in supporting the student’s identity development. By school counselors recognizing and attending to the “shared and unshared identities; privileged and marginalized statuses; values, beliefs and biases; and culture” (Ratts et al., 2016, para. 9) between them and their students, they will assist students to engage in a positive counseling relationship. In schools, students see school counselors as authority figures. Because of the traditional cultural values and respect for hierarchical relationships within schools, students and school counselors may not engage in an equal counseling relationship between the student and counselor. In addition, high schoolers may want to be exercising their ability to make their own decisions and may base their thoughts and emotions on what they want or what their peers say rather than what their counselors say. Because school counselors and students perceive the positive therapeutic alliance differently (Bachelor, 2013), school counselors unconsciously harm the student and counseling relationship if they are not aware of these relational dynamics. For example, a student may be called in to see the school counselor about a schedule change. The student, Black female, might come to the school counselor’s office with a great deal of anxiety or distrust based on racial biases and African Americans’ history of oppression in the United States. If the school counselor doesn’t understand the sociopolitical events and their impact on the student, they may misinterpret the student’s anxiety and mistrust as rude or disrespectful behavior toward adults.

School Counseling and Advocacy Interventions

One of the roles of school counselors is to be advocates. School counselor advocacy is to “work with and/or on behalf of their clients/students who [a]re struggling with systemic barriers” (Toporek & Daniels, 2018, p. 1). When school counselors aim to dismantle harmful systems, they must be equipped to look through a trauma-informed lens and specifically consider race-based trauma to determine its impact on mental health and academic success of BIPOC students. To assist counselors with evaluating and implementing culturally relevant and ethical advocacy, the American Counseling Association (ACA) developed the ACA Advocacy Competencies (Lewis et al., 2003). The ACA Advocacy Competencies outline the skills, knowledge, and behavior used to identify and address student barriers (Toporek & Daniels, 2018). The ACA Advocacy Competencies model (see web resources) consists of levels of client/student involvement, advocacy intervention, and the intersection of six advocacy domains (Client/Student Empowerment, Client/Student Advocacy, Community Collaboration, Systems Advocacy, Public Information, Social/Political Advocacy). Additionally, according to the ASCA National Model, school counselors are recognized as leaders in reform efforts as they advocate for student academic success (ASCA, 2019). The National Model states,

School counselors’ advocacy for BIPOC and other marginalized students requires school counselors to lead, collaborate, and create systemic change. School counselors often advocate for students and their families, underrepresented student groups, campus practices, district policy evaluation, enhanced community resources, legislative changes, and the school counseling profession (Trusty & Brown, 2005). For example, school counselors can be instrumental in advocating for the educational attainment of many students, especially Black males. The underachievement of Black males historically has been a recurring theme in the literature (Education Trust, 2003; The College Board, 2010). School counselors can focus their counseling efforts on working individually and in groups with Black males, work with teachers to support the academic needs of the student, advocate for community resources and interventions to support Black males who may experience home and food insecurities, and work with school administration to examine policies and procedures that may be systemic barriers to Black male academic achievement. With the right attitude and beliefs, knowledge and skills, school counselors are able to deploy appropriate interventions and better advocate for their students.